In an apparent reference to other European countries’ resistance to his demands for debt relief, Greek prime minister Alexis Tsipras insisted on Thursday, “Greece cannot be blackmailed because democracy in Europe cannot be blackmailed.”
Tsipras’ words came after German finance minister Wolfgang Schäuble told his new Greek counterpart, Yanis Varoufakis, that it was not realistic to make electoral promises that burdened other countries.
Schäuble was right.
The new Greek leader has repeatedly hailed his far-left Syriza party’s electoral win last month as a victory for “democracy” over austerity, suggesting a conflict between the two and disregarding the democratic wishes of other Europeans.
The Economist‘s Buttonwood columnist points out:
German voters, when polled, seem pretty clear that they don’t want Greece to be given debt forgiveness. Since they would bear the cost of a Greek writeoff, why should their views count for nothing? And what about the Finns, Dutch, Austrians, etc.?
An ARD-Deutschlandtrend poll conducted last month found 68 percent of German voters opposed to another Greek debt reduction.
A later Emnid poll for N24 found that only 16 percent are in favor of forgiving Greek debt.
The Dutch prime minister, Mark Rutte, made an explicit election promise in 2012 not give “another cent” to the Greeks.
The ruling parties in Austria and Finland have made similar promises.
Most of Greece’s privately-held debt was restructured in 2012. Some 90 percent of its debt is now owed to official creditors, mainly other eurozone governments. That means debt forgiveness would mean other European taxpayers don’t get their money back.
Moreover, those taxpayers have loaned Greece €240 billion since 2010 on certain conditions.
The country was supposed to rein in government spending, reduce its debt and liberalize the economy. It fell short of those commitments under previous governments. Tsipras and his party have reversed some reforms altogether — canceling privatizations — and they intend to break more promises, by rehiring public-sector workers and raising the minimum wage.
Greek voters signed up to the conditions of their bailout when they elected parties that promised to honor them. Other European voters, in turn, agreed to help Greece when they elected, and reelected, parties that supported the bailouts. This was the democratic compact the Greeks made with the rest of Europe.
By voting Tsipras into office, the Greeks have broke their word and their new prime minister is asking his European counterparts to break their word as well — except their promise to help Greece, of course.
Greece can’t have it both ways. It can’t expect European leaders to betray their voters but not their word to Greece. Not can it expect to continue to get help while reneging on its own promises. It either needs to stick to its word or go it alone.
German politicians should remember 1953 and why they are where they are now.
The liberalization of the economy in the long term will lead to structural unemployment in any country of the western hemisphere, that path is just doomed.
The post-globalized economy must face drastic changes in a near future so that the system on a small scale could survive; otherwise were just heading to a new era of proletarization of the middle classes, and I think global elites wouldn’t be comfort with that scenario.
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