Former French prime minister Manuel Valls has thrown his support behind the presidential candidacy of Emmanuel Macron, his former economy minister.
“I don’t think we should take any risk for the republic and so I will vote for Emmanuel Macron,” the Spanish-born social democrat said.
Valls sought the presidential nomination of his own Socialist Party but was defeated in January by the far-left Benoît Hamon. His center-left policies are closer to Macron’s, who served together with Valls in François Hollande’s government for two years. The two men cut taxes for employers and loosened labor laws. Read more “Macron Wins Support of Former French Prime Minister Valls”
With two weeks to go until the French Socialists elect their presidential candidate, Manuel Valls is not so subtly tilting to the left.
The former prime minister, who made a name for himself as a reformer, now says neither the 35-hour workweek nor France’s high wealth taxes need to be reformed after all.
Valls’ concessions to the left make short-term political sense. Benoît Hamon and Arnaud Montebourg, two far-left firebrands, are up in the polls. Valls is still the favorite to win the nomination, but only narrowly. Recent surveys suggest he could struggle in a second voting round against either of his opponents.
But he takes a longer-term risk.
Valls’ electability in a general election would hinge on his credibility as a social democrat. If he veers too far to the left, true believers may decide there is no point in supporting him anymore over Jean-Luc Mélenchon, the otherwise hopeless far-left candidate, while more moderate center-left voters could defect to Emmanuel Macron, the former economy minister under Valls who is running as an independent. Read more “Valls Jeopardizes His Credibility as a Reformer by Tilting to the Left”
France’s François Hollande is beset by rivals from inside his left-wing coalition. On the far left, former economy minister Arnaud Montebourg is mulling a presidential bid. On the right of the Socialist Party, Montebourg’s successor, Emmanuel Macron, just launched a “movement” that seems to serve no purpose other than to advance the former investment banker’s political ambitions.
Manuel Valls, the French prime minister, is attempting to unify his party, but the very reforms that make him a divisive figure on the left are still likely to stop him from seeking the Socialists’ presidential nomination.
There is little doubt that Valls would be a stronger contender in 2017 than the incumbent, François Hollande. Polls show he would decisively beat the Front national‘s Marine Le Pen in a theoretical runoff and would come close to defeating Nicolas Sarkozy, the conservative former president.
Hollande, by contrast, would lose against both, if he even managed to qualify for the second voting round.
French prime minister Manuel Valls announced a package of long-awaited economic reforms on Wednesday that at least some members of his own Socialist Party are likely to resist.
“We need to unblock the economy, liberate energies, lift constraints,” Valls said. Responding to criticism from within his party, he added, “Sometimes you have to choose risk over rent, immobilization, conservatism. The French are ready, often more than their leaders.”
The plan includes many of the measures floated by economy minister Emmanuel Macron in October, including allowing businesses to operate on Sundays and opening protected professions such as pharmacists and notaries.
It would also make it easier for companies to fire employees and reduce nonwage labor costs which currently make up a third of the average salary.
Labor costs in France, at €34 per hour, far exceed the European average of €23.
Although leftwingers and trade unions fear an erosion of labor protections, Macron and Valls, both centrist social democrats who were appointed by President François Hollande earlier this year in a shakeup of his cabinet, insist changes are needed to make the French economy more competitive.
France is expected to post under .5 percent growth for the third year in a row while unemployment has been over 10 percent for the last two years.
The country is also under pressure from other European Union member states to rein in its deficit. It has repeatedly missed deadlines to bring its shortfall under the 3 percent treaty limit. It was given a three-month extension by the European Commission last month to present a credible fiscal plan. If it fails to make good on its promises, it could be fined.
Stifling job growth is the excessive protection of dozens of professions whose members guard access though exams, licenses and high buy-in costs.
The number of notaries, for example, is fixed at just over 9,000. Aspiring notaries must be nominated individually by the Justice Ministry after seven years of study and can only open a practice if they buy one from a retiring notary and are accepted by senior notaries in the region.
There is also a shortage of taxi drivers, especially in Paris. The capital has fewer taxi drivers today than it did in 1920. Previous governments balked at opening up the market when taxi drivers invariably went on strike.
Small businesses are discouraged from expanding by the difficulty of firing underperforming staff and rules that say it must create work councils and introduce profit sharing when it employs more than fifty workers. Higher income tax rates introduced under Hollande have also helped convince many French entrepreneurs to seek better opportunities abroad.
Even if many Socialist Party lawmakers are skeptical of liberalization, Hollande and his ministers can ill afford to do nothing. Besides the threat of a European Commission fine, they face daunting electoral prospects. Hollande, who won the 2012 presidential election against the conservative Nicholas Sarkozy with 51.6 percent support, is the last popular French leader in decades. His party is almost certain to lose the next parliamentary and presidential elections in 2017 and could even place third, behind the Front national.