America’s political parties are realigning. College-educated voters in affluent Sun Belt states are switching to the Democrats. Many working voters in the industrial Midwest voted for Donald Trump in 2016.
Donald Trump is splitting America’s Republican Party in two — and his side is winning.
NBC News and The Wall Street Journal asked Republican voters if they consider themselves to be a supporter of the president first or a supporter of the Republican Party. 58 percent said Trump, 38 percent the party.
The Trump supporters are more likely to hail from rural areas and to be men while Republican Party supporters are more likely to be women and residents of the suburbs.
CNN found a similar divide: Trump’s support is strongest among old white voters without a college education. Republicans under the age of fifty with a degree are disappointed in him.
These trends portend a realignment of America’s two-party system in which the Democrats become the party of the affluent and the optimistic and the Republicans a coalition of the left behind.
Democrats in the United States are heaping praise on Republican senator Susan Collins for taking a stand against her party’s health reforms.
The praise is deserved. Collins, a centrist Republican from Maine, refused to support a plan that would have taken health care away from millions of low-income Americans while making it cheaper for the wealthy.
But it’s too bad the left doesn’t extend the same gratitude to conservative purists who joined her.
None of the other supposedly moderate Republicans in the Senate supported Collins in her fight against the rushed effort to replace Obamacare. They all caved to right-wing pressure.
Democrats in the United States have obsessed about winning back working-class whites since these voters left the party to elect Donald Trump last year.
Even Ruy Teixeira, the author of the “emerging Democratic majority” thesis which holds that ethnic minorities, women and postindustrial workers will ultimately shift the balance of power away from the white working class, tells New York magazine that Democrats cannot ignore the group.
NBC News has a longread about what went wrong for Democrats in 2016 and how they can become competitive again nationally.
The report, written by Alex Seitz-Wald, touches on many of the issues we have written about since Hillary Clinton lost the presidential election in November: how the white working class in big industrial states abandoned Democrats; how the concentration of liberal and progressive voters in cities and coastal states has made it harder for them to win majorities in the Electoral College and the Senate.
In my last post about the demographic shifts that are reshaping America’s two major political parties, I may have given the impression that I see these as unstoppable forces of history that have nothing to do with the choices party actors make.
That’s not the case. It’s both.
Demographic and economic changes, including heterogenization, deindustrialization and the stratification of society along educational lines, are global, long-term and almost impossible to reverse. They have a huge impact on the composition of both the Democratic and Republican Party coalitions.
Donald Trump’s election has thrown into doubt the assumption that Democrats were emerging as America’s natural ruling party from a confluence of demographic and social changes.
I argued here last month that Trump’s candidacy was accelerating trends that could reshape the two-party system: the consolidation of lower-educated white voters in the Republican Party and the flight of college-educated whites and minority voters to the Democrats.
Many — myself included — predicted that these shifts would hand the election to Hillary Clinton.
Donald Trump’s presidential candidacy in the United States is accelerating three trends that could reshape the country’s two-party system: the consolidation of lower-educated white voters in the Republican Party and the flight of college-educated whites and minority voters to the Democrats.
New York magazine reports that Hillary Clinton’s party is trading white working-class supporters for suburban Republicans, a trend that is reshaping the electoral map: Whereas Trump weans white voters away from the Democrat in Northeastern Rust Belt states such as Michigan, New York, Ohio and Pennsylvania, Clinton is making inroads in the suburbs of Colorado, Florida, North Carolina and Virginia. Read more “Trump Accelerates Trends That Could Realign Parties”
Listening to the Democratic National Convention speeches of Joe Biden, Bill Clinton, Barack Obama and his wife, Michelle, this week, I was struck by the repeated references to family, flag and motherhood.
Democrats have long been self-conscious about their love of country and their “family values” lest they be perceived as unpatriotic hedonists. But this year it all seems to come together: Democrats are the party of majority America now, which is racially diverse, increasingly relaxed about gender norms — the party just nominated the first female presidential candidate in history, after all — and less prone to jingoism than in the wake of 9/11. Read more “Democrats Are Now the Party of Real America”
On immigration and trade, Republicans who opposed Donald Trump have more in common with Democrats than they do with fellow party members who backed the businessman from the start.
A SurveyMonkey poll conducted for the website FiveThirtyEight found that whereas 76 percent of Trump’s supporters want immigration to fall, only 21 percent of anti-Trump Republicans agree it must come down. That’s close to the 26 percent of Democrats who say immigration is too high.
61 percent of non-Trump Republicans and 52 percent of Democrats, by contrast, agree that immigration should stay more or less the same. The remaining 17 and 22 percent, respectively, would welcome higher immigration.
There is similar cross-party agreement on trade. Half of Trump’s supporters think trade deals are bad for the American economy; only 20 percent of anti-Trump Republicans agree against 28 percent of all Democrats.