President Barack Obama listens during an economic policy meeting in the Roosevelt Room of the White House, September 11, 2009

Even Republicans applauded Barack Obama’s Nobel Prize acceptance speech last December. Approaching foreign policy as a struggle between good and evil appeals to neo-conservatives who relished as the president reiterated the notion of American exceptionalism.

Even so, the Right continues to be petrified at times when Obama appears to be cuddling with dictators too much at the expense of traditional allies—no matter that it was under President Bush that “Old Europe” got kicked to the sidelines. The end of American ascendancy is nigh, they say, and the Democrats are steering America on a course for decline.

Last year The Economist tried to determine how “weak” Obama really was and found that “he has not yet shown that he can back his oratory with a stick.” Calm and conciliatory pragmatism is certainly a welcome change after the George W. Bush years, notes to the magazine, but it’s a “dangerous, stubborn and occasionally bad world” out there and the president hasn’t proven himself capable of taking it on yet.

That isn’t really fair of the Brits. The Obama Administration had to deal with quite the mess left by its predecessors—two Middle Eastern wars and an international prestige badly shattered, to begin with. For eight years, little to no progress was made toward China; little to no effort was made on the Russian front; and no serious attempt was made at restoring ties with those European states which had opposed the invasion of Iraq. Unsurprisingly, the rest of the world is reluctant indeed to help the Americans do anything right now. As The Economist points out, “the European Union is not fit to help him police the world. China, India and Russia are not willing. [...] That leaves Mr Obama with a burden to shoulder on his own.”

Add the recession, health care reform and climate change to that, and you’ve got rather a lot on your plate. Those are the issues confronting the Obama Administration right now and all require answers soon.

The president started his first year in office by attempting to repair the broken relationships overseas. He traveled to China and seems to understand, at least more than President Bush did, that the country’s growth is no threat to the United States. He pushed for a new start with Russia and invited Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to the White House because India matters in the twenty-first century. Lastly, in spite of the current administration’s more Pacific orientation, Obama is still a transatlanticist and can count on immense popularity and considerable support across the pond.

The world is rapidly changing. New superpowers are emerging and in the post-Cold War era, America can no longer rely on the unconditional support of its Western friends. How the United States approach this brave, new world will to a large extent determine their place in it. We know now that the “you’re either with us, or against us” strategy doesn’t work very well. Something a little more conciliatory probably won’t destroy America altogether. In fact, it might go a long way toward restoring its moral leadership and authority.